Showing posts with label Prime Minister. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Prime Minister. Show all posts
Thursday, 18 June 2009
Gordon Brown's Private, Non-Legal Inquiry into the Iraq War
Gordon Brown's reluctance to involve lawyers in an inquiry into the Iraq War is absurd and reveals that we cannot expect a sound testimony or meaningful results. The efficacy of the inquiry is already questionable since it has been made clear that it will be held in private, thereby denying the public the opportunity to evaluate the process. The inquiry will also lack the power to subpoena witnesses and the ability to inquisitively cross-examine them according to the established methods of the legal system. Furthermore, any conclusions will undoubtedly be made unreliable by the fact that witnesses will not be questioned under oath. This merely constitutes the latest example of the Prime Minister's adherence to serving his own interests.
Monday, 8 June 2009
The UK's Problematic Separation of Powers and Lack of Meaningful Legislative Scrutiny
Constitutionalists have lamented the British constitutional order since Bagehot commented in 1867 that the legislative and executive powers of the State are fused together. Ministers exercise a dual role as members of both Parliament and the executive and this is scarcely of concern. The Commons ultimately controls the executive through its capacity to oust a government which has lost the ability to command a majority on an issue of confidence, as was seen with Callaghan's minority government in March 1979. Of more concern is the effect that a clear majority in the Commons can have on legislation as well as the role of Parliament in holding the government to account for its policies.
Paragraph 17 of the Ministerial Code established in 2001 states:
The continuation of the elitist doctrine of collective responsibility in the Cabinet is likely to be criticised in light of recent scandals and calls for greater transparency. Its greatest criticism however is that it effectively eliminates any opposition within the Cabinet to the policies of the Prime Minister. Former Lord Chancellor, Lord Falconer, has said that dissenting ministers are unable to debate important issues, citing the example of Robin Cook being forced to resign before policy had been concluded on the war in Iraq. The Butler Report of 2004 stated that two Cabinet ministers “expressed their concern about the informal nature of much of the Government’s decision-making process, and the relative lack of use of established Cabinet committee machinery." It also stated, "we are concerned that the informality… of the Government’s procedures… risks reducing the scope for informed collective political judgement." Certainly collective responsibility should be maintained to uphold party unity once a policy has been established, but it should not stifle debate at the earlier stages, at least not in a deliberative democracy.
When the government enjoys a majority in Parliament therefore, the power of the Prime Minister is subject to fewer checks than it would be under the constitutions of other democracies. This is merely one reason why the British Prime Minister is often said to be an 'elected dictator'. The presence of the Lord Chancellor in the Cabinet further reduces the separation of powers, because, as head of the judiciary, he is entitled to preside over the Lords, the final court of appeal from the courts of the UK. Nevertheless, judicial review has been increasing over recent years, despite the temptation to abolish the House of Lords or bypass it using the Parliament Acts.
Parliamentary select committees remain the only bodies to hold the executive to account and even they are appointed by the whips of the various parties. Inevitably this gives the committees a composition which mirrors the Commons and thereby neutralises their efficacy, as the government's MPs, forming the majority, are unlikely to back reports that criticise their policies. It is estimated that over 3,000 statutory instruments are authorised every year and only a very small proportion of these are actually reviewed by the select committees or in any other way. In practice, the reports of the committees are rarely given proper consideration as the Commons and the government are not obliged to debate their findings. Therefore, the committees must be given full powers to subpoena ministers and to approve major public appointments and its members should be chosen by a vote of the whole House of Commons rather than being appointed by the whips. Moreover, their powers should be extended to allow them to scrutinise proposed legislation before it reaches the Commons for its first reading in order to identify contentious areas and improve its drafting.
Paragraph 17 of the Ministerial Code established in 2001 states:
Collective responsibility requires that Ministers should be able to express their views frankly and in the expectation that they can argue freely in private while maintaining a united front when decisions have been reached. This in turn requires that the privacy of opinions expressed in Cabinet and Ministerial Committees should be maintained.
The continuation of the elitist doctrine of collective responsibility in the Cabinet is likely to be criticised in light of recent scandals and calls for greater transparency. Its greatest criticism however is that it effectively eliminates any opposition within the Cabinet to the policies of the Prime Minister. Former Lord Chancellor, Lord Falconer, has said that dissenting ministers are unable to debate important issues, citing the example of Robin Cook being forced to resign before policy had been concluded on the war in Iraq. The Butler Report of 2004 stated that two Cabinet ministers “expressed their concern about the informal nature of much of the Government’s decision-making process, and the relative lack of use of established Cabinet committee machinery." It also stated, "we are concerned that the informality… of the Government’s procedures… risks reducing the scope for informed collective political judgement." Certainly collective responsibility should be maintained to uphold party unity once a policy has been established, but it should not stifle debate at the earlier stages, at least not in a deliberative democracy.
When the government enjoys a majority in Parliament therefore, the power of the Prime Minister is subject to fewer checks than it would be under the constitutions of other democracies. This is merely one reason why the British Prime Minister is often said to be an 'elected dictator'. The presence of the Lord Chancellor in the Cabinet further reduces the separation of powers, because, as head of the judiciary, he is entitled to preside over the Lords, the final court of appeal from the courts of the UK. Nevertheless, judicial review has been increasing over recent years, despite the temptation to abolish the House of Lords or bypass it using the Parliament Acts.
Parliamentary select committees remain the only bodies to hold the executive to account and even they are appointed by the whips of the various parties. Inevitably this gives the committees a composition which mirrors the Commons and thereby neutralises their efficacy, as the government's MPs, forming the majority, are unlikely to back reports that criticise their policies. It is estimated that over 3,000 statutory instruments are authorised every year and only a very small proportion of these are actually reviewed by the select committees or in any other way. In practice, the reports of the committees are rarely given proper consideration as the Commons and the government are not obliged to debate their findings. Therefore, the committees must be given full powers to subpoena ministers and to approve major public appointments and its members should be chosen by a vote of the whole House of Commons rather than being appointed by the whips. Moreover, their powers should be extended to allow them to scrutinise proposed legislation before it reaches the Commons for its first reading in order to identify contentious areas and improve its drafting.
Sunday, 7 June 2009
The Beast is Down... Time to Destroy It for Good
As we speak the EU election results are coming out with Labour expected to fail horrendously. This comes on the back of a massive failing in the Local Elections last Thursday. Brown is handing the Tories not just power after the next election but for years and years to come. He has shattered Labour into pieces. For every week he is in power in the weeks to come, this will probably give the Tories an extra year in power. At this rate it will be better for Britain if he stays in power until the next election in order to give the country time to recover from the last 12 years of failed socialism, social engineering and totalitarian control of the population.
The current situation was inevitable. There was no need for the Conservatives to try and model the 'New' Labour victory of 1997 by shifting to the centre. The Labour party would have eventually destroyed itself without the need for help, the Tories did not need to go soft. Every Labour government; Callaghan's, Wilson's and Attlee's has gone a similar way, but NEVER this bad. None of these men were as insane as Brown. At least they knew when their time is up, Brown is going through a breakdown and dragging us along for the ride.
Labels:
Conservatives,
Elections,
European Union,
Gordon Brown,
Labour,
Prime Minister
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